The Unfinished Memoirs

The Unfinished Memoirs by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

He is a man of politics, not a writer. He did not write in the use of words and sentences, in language and rhetoric, in metaphors and metaphors. But even then you have to read like a charm. Simple words of simple people, simple words, simple language, rising from the depths of the heart, just like his speeches. At the request of friends and wife, he started writing the unfinished story of his unfinished life while in jail. A simple confession at the very beginning of the book, "I can't write; and what have I done that can be written! Would it be of any use to the public to know the events of my life? I couldn't do anything. I can only say that I tried to. "

‘Four books written by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman were suddenly seized by his daughter Sheikh Hasina in 2004. The notebooks are very old, the pages are dilapidated and the writing is often obscure. Reading the valuable books, it was found out that this is the unfinished autobiography of Bangabandhu, which he started writing in the middle of 1977 while he was in Dhaka Central Jail, but could not finish it. ' When the author is Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman himself, what more role can be needed than this!

The book ends with a good deal of dissatisfaction. The cause of dissatisfaction can be understood by the name itself - unfinished autobiography. Without any plan, without any conclusion, the book ended in a hurry like the unfinished life of the author. While the politics of the region is slowly becoming more complicated with the participation of various elites, West Pakistanis and their self-interested Bengalis are perpetuating the British colonial system in the newly independent country and spreading the net of exploitation in a new way. The book ended just as he was getting up.
Although the book was written in 1986, the book is a part of the author's political life from his childhood to the beginning of his political youth. From Mujib, a politically conscious teenager during the Pakistan movement, to the 1954 United Front elections, the book is a masterpiece.

 This book is only acquainted with a very small part of Bangabandhu's eventful life, more precisely with the very early part. Here we get a glimpse of the courageous socially conscious teenager Sheikh Mujib who has become a strong leader. But from there we get almost nothing of the story of becoming Bangabandhu. But with this process of becoming, I became acquainted with his political philosophy and perception, with his consciousness and dreams, with the evolution of his feelings and perceptions. He was not born into a politically blessed or hugely influential family. How did a person born in an ordinary middle class household of the village become a symbol of hope and aspiration of the people of Bengal? How did Kishore Mujib gradually rise above the leaders to whom he has come to learn the lessons of politics, becoming the most important character on the stage? How did you become the leader of the leaders? How and why did he become the leader of the masses of non-communal Bengal?

Sheikh Mujib did politics mainly for the people, and even if nothing else is understood, at least that much can be understood from this little book of three hundred pages. And for this he had no backwardness, no compromise for the sake of interests, no obligation to preserve the family political tradition. What you have done is by believing in yourself. That is why he has repeatedly mentioned that he did not like secret politics or the politics of making statements on the run. He has been repeatedly arrested by the exploiting class. He took an active part in the Pakistan movement, but he spent most of his time in prison from the very beginning. Gradually he realized that he did not get what he fought for, but that people were exploited by black people instead of white people. You see, the name of the ruler has changed, the color has changed, but the character has not changed. He and his sympathizers started a new struggle against many of those with whom Pakistan had started a movement.

Two hundred years of British colonial rule only exacerbated the long-standing discontent between Muslims and Hindus in the region. It probably took its final form when the majority people in the Muslim-majority region of India became involved in the partition movement in the name of religion. The debate over whether there was any other way of improvement for the Muslims of the region can be carefully sidestepped in this article, as no communal movement usually brings good results. The issue of partition and the period before and after it has come up again and again. There has been talk of Hindu-Muslim riots, sometimes in Dhaka, sometimes in Kolkata, sometimes on this side, sometimes on the other side. At times, political leaders have provoked Hindu-Muslim discontent and helped to create communal riots, to their own political advantage. As of now, Imams, Huzurs and Peersahebs have taken part as catalysts of religion-based politics. Repeatedly, communal leaders and many religious leaders have tried to separate people in the name of religion. These events have probably gradually taught Sheikh Mujib, a dedicated activist in the communal Pakistan movement, to understand that human rights will not be established unless a secular country is built.

From the Pakistan period onwards, India and Islam began to show signs of destruction on any issue. I am surprised to see that the ghost of the communal politics of Pakistan is still doing that politics. After the February 21 protests, the government said, "Hindu students came from Calcutta and protested in pajamas." Gradually he realized that Pakistan was in fact becoming a communal state. He lamented, "Sadly, those who opposed the Pakistan movement have now poisoned politics with the slogan of making Pakistan an Islamic state. The slogan that the leaders of the Muslim League were engaged in together without any economic or social program is this." Islam. " Surprisingly, the character traits of those who survived the religion have not changed much after so many years. The Muslim League tried to play the trump card of religion just like now as it could not compete with Mujib in the elections during the United Front and Muslim League elections. In the words of the author, "... when the Muslim League saw that their condition was not good, they played a game of chess. They presented many great scholars, saints and maulanas. ... ... called a religious meeting and issued a fatwa against me "If you vote for me, there will be no Islam, the religion will end". Pir Sahib of Sharshina, Pir Sahib of Barguna ... ... all came down against me and did not spare to give as many fatwas as possible. " But while doing politics for the people of Bengal, he gradually realized that Bengalis could not be deceived in this way.

I have tried to understand the political philosophy of Sheikh Mujib from that book. He did not follow in the footsteps of those who could do nothing in field politics by writing and researching thesis page after page. He has learned to work, admit mistakes, try to correct. He said, "If I make a mistake or do something wrong, I have never had a hard time admitting it. If I make a mistake, I will correct it. Mistakes are made by human beings. If you go, you just think. Time passes while you think, the work is not done anymore. ... ... I think, I will do what I do, I will do it. They can be wrong, those who don't work can't be wrong. "

Through the history of the movement and the struggle, some of the identities of those leaders can be found through his interactions with almost all the important leaders of that time. The book revolves around Mr. Suhrawardy, through whose hands he learned politics. The author says at the very beginning, "Sitting in a small room of Dhaka Central Jail, looking out the window at the sky, thinking about Mr. Suhrawardy. How I got to know him. How I got close to him. How he taught me to work and how I got his affection. " Time and again in different places he has paid homage to Mr. Suhrawardy and praised his leadership. But surprisingly, at the very beginning of his political career, when Sheikh Mujib did not become a prominent figure, he still had a terrible self-confidence. Describing the incident of a meeting, he said, "He asked Anwar Saheb to give him a post. I said it could never happen. He has made a hole in the organization, does not give place to good workers. Who are you? You are nobody. I said, If I am nobody, then why you have invited me? You have no right to insult me. I will prove that, I am somebody. Thank you, sir. I will never come to you again. " One has to wonder how confident a little teenage politician in a small subdivision can give his opinion in front of the highest political leader!

He seemed to have the only respect for Jinnah among the West Pakistani and non-Bengali leaders. The rest of the non-Bengali leaders are basically selfish and power-hungry attitude is reflected in various parts of the writing. Gradually, perhaps, he also came to realize that those who are fanatics of West Pakistanis, mainly for power, prefer to use religion in politics. Especially during the election of the United Front of 1945, the power-hungry non-ideological attitude of the leaders of Nezami Islam afflicted him. But these teachings gradually led him to better understand the importance of secular politics. Assessing the results of the United Front election, he said, "One thing that has been noticed in this election is that the people cannot be deceived with slogans like 'Islam and Muslims'. Devout Bengali Muslims love their religion; Many people had this idea.

Another important leader of the time, Maulana Bhasani, whom the author has addressed in various places in the book as Maulana Saheb, had expressed confidence and respect for him in various places, but in some of his activities the author's annoyance was not suppressed. Personally, I do not know much about Maulana Bhasani except during the war of liberation and his immediate period. But during the war of liberation and in its recent past, I have read about important times and decisions disappearing or not taking responsibility. Maulana Bhasani has expressed his displeasure at some of these activities very well, ‌‌ "Maulana Bhasani's attitude of self-concealment has never changed during this time of need. It has been proved in many future incidents." This is probably where the difference lies. One who, despite being a leader of the masses, has shirked his responsibilities at a very important time, did not want to tarnish his own image for political reasons or any other reason, and the other Hope is a symbol of aspiration.

Basically, he believed in equality, he believed in the rights of the masses. He did not do direct socialist politics. At various times in his writings it seemed that he did not like ultra-revolutionaries. Because many of the ultra-revolutionaries in the region were basically pen-and-paper politicians and outcasts. On the other hand, he wants to do open constitutional politics with the people. Although he did not directly lead the socialist movement, he believed in the basic principle of socialism, that is, equality. Around the same time, he became fascinated by the visit of the newly independent Communist China and realized how the selfish activities of the leaders were killing the dreams of the people. "I am not a communist myself, but I believe in socialism and I do not believe in capitalist economics. I think of painting as an instrument of exploitation. As long as the economy of capitalist creation is in the world, people in the world Exploitation from above cannot be stopped. " "The Awami League and its cadres hate any form of communalism. There are many leaders and activists in the Awami League who believe in socialism; and they know that socialism is the only way to liberate the people. People can be exploited through capitalism. "They can never believe in communalism. To them, Muslims, Hindus, Bengalis and non-Bengalis are all equal." This weakness towards socialism may have inspired him to form Bakshal in the newly independent Bangladesh.

‌‌ "I can't deceive people" - who made this promise in tears, who spent half the time in jail for the people of Bengal, when Sheikh Mujib, a teenager from Gopalganj, is slowly becoming Bangabandhu in establishing the rights of the people of Bengal, - Unfinished autobiography. And like his autobiography, some people of Bengal also ended his life.